top of page
  • queeringperspectives
    • Jul 30, 2023
    • 6 min read

#35 - The Queer Involvement in Thailand's Pro-Democracy Movement

Updated: Aug 24, 2023

This week's podcast features our trip to Thailand where we had the privilege of meeting with Charlotte. As a queer youth activist and educator in Southern Thailand, Charlotte gave us valuable insights into the complexities of queer politics in an authoritarian context. This article explores the role and impact of queer activism during the recent pro-democracy protests that transformed the political landscape of Thailand.

First, let us establish some basic context. The Kingdom of Thailand, previously known as Siam, is a nation in Southeast Asia with a majority population of Buddhists. The kingdom has been ruled by the same royal dynasty since 1782.

Thailand is the only country in the region, and one of the few in the world, never colonized by Western powers, though the influence of global Western colonization played a significant role in the country's future. Thailand was fortunate to be situated in a buffer zone between the expanding British and French Empires. This prevented both sides from occupying it directly due to the fear of triggering an expensive war. As a result, the monarchy was able to use the time to reform the country under a Western model. This was done to present Thailand as a 'civilized' nation on an equal footing with other countries

To protect itself from colonization, the monarchy employed the tactic of unifying the country under a single national identity, language, and history. It also created a single national army and dismantled the old feudal system to centralize power under the head of state. This effectively established a modern, Western-style nation-state, a process that all other postcolonial nations had to undertake after gaining independence. One significant difference is that instead of the usual skirmish between political parties, national unification happened through the consolidation of power in the monarch. This consolidation led to a dependency on a monarchic tradition that bound Thai identity to the existence of the monarchy, and a culture of silence that made any criticism of royalty taboo.

The kingdom was ruled by an absolute monarchy from the nineteenth century up until 1932, when a revolution resulted in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy. Despite the King's supposed limited political influence, the monarchy has always commanded the loyalty of the senate and military, which allows the king to maintain a behind-the-scenes power over the country. Consequently, Thailand has continuously oscillated between efforts at true democracy and military rule, the latter constituting two-thirds of Thailand's modern history.

The latest military coup occurred in 2014 and installed the commander-in-chief, Prayut Chan-o-cha, as the prime minister. The constitution was amended by the military junta, granting more power to the military. As an example, they are now authorized to appoint a majority of seats in the Senate, which in turn elects the Prime Minister. The junta has also established a 20-year plan for

transitioning into democracy under military guidance.

The deeply-rooted royalist approach to politics has made this country one of the few where critique of the monarchy can result in imprisonment. Violation of the lèse-majesté law can result in a sentence of up to 15 years, making true democratic change difficult due to the military-monarchy coalition.

As a result, the citizens of Thailand have found themselves in a challenging position when confronted with the controversial actions of King Vajiralongkorn, who ascended the throne in 2016. Among other things, he diverted public royal funds into his personal fortune and placed two army units under his command. Following the enforced disappearance of numerous dissidents, it became apparent that the military and the King were striving to reestablish absolute monarchic rule. In February 2020, the parliament dissolved the pro-democracy and progressive party (FFP), which had secured the third majority.

The dissolution of the FFP led to a series of protests led by students, resulting in the emergence of a non-partisan grassroots movement with the aim of transforming the political system in Thailand. By July 2020, the rest of civic society had joined the protests following the leadership provided by the Free Youth movement. Their demands included the dissolution of parliament, an end to intimidation, and the drafting of a new constitution.

In order to avoid violating the lèse-majesté law, the protestors employed pop-cultural references such as the three-finger salute from The Hunger Games. This also allowed them to maintain a jovial and peaceful demeanor, which helped them gain wider acceptance for their demands. Until now, the authorities generally dismissed the demonstrations, but as the protests deepened, young activists began to directly demand the reform of the monarchy and the removal of Prime Minister Prayuth, breaking the taboo of criticizing the king for the first time. In October 2020, a severe state of emergency was declared, and the police began to arrest the leaders of the youth movement and suppress the protests using tear gas and water cannons. Despite this, the demonstrators refused to give up and continued protesting in the streets until the end of 2021. However, eventually the arrests, charges of lèse-majesté, and heavy suppression succeeded in putting an end to the protest

The Queer Involvement

To younger generations, the banning of the progressive FFP that triggered the protests indicated a rejection by the elderly rulers of their demands for social justice. The military coups and the conservative parliament have repeatedly thwarted any opportunity for social progress.

This is why feminist and queer activists were pivotal in the intensification of the pro-democracy movement. They emphasized how the democracy being fought for in the protests implied equal rights for all, including gender and sexual justice. In addition to demanding monarchy reform, feminist activists pointed out that the monarchy itself is a patriarchal institution that is exclusively concerned with keeping authoritarian men in power, and that its behavior showed how it viewed the inclusion of any outsider in politics as a threat to the nation.

And even when Thailand is generally thought of as a friendly country to the queer community, according to queer activists, this is mainly a form of rainbow capitalism aimed at increasing tourism. This acceptance primarily happens in public spaces, especially in larger cities. Unfortunately, many families still reject their queer kids in reality, and the general population mostly views queer people as comic relief and entertainment. Although there might be more public tolerance towards this matter than in other countries in the region, such an attitude is not mirrored by the country's legislation. Currently, Thailand still does not recognize marriage equality, legal gender change, or adoption rights for the queer community.

As a result, feminist and queer organizations such as the Feminist Liberation Front and Seri Thoey found it necessary to take a leadership role in the protests, occupying the space they deserved. Thankfully, young protestors recognized the importance of diversifying the protests and amplifying the demands of the queer community, which were added to the general demands for political change.

Rainbow and trans flags were raised and appeared regularly at demonstrations. Ballroom-style catwalks were held to mock royalty, and drag queens hosted events to lift spirits and keep the demonstrations peaceful. In essence, the inclusion of feminist and queer discourses helped the pro-democracy movement to be more inclusive and creative, thus extending its effectiveness and lifespan.

One crucial lesson from the pro-democracy movement in Thailand, which is quite similar to what we have found in Sri Lanka, is the importance of defending the intersectionality of social justice when demanding political change. Omitting the rights of any single group inevitably leads to a failure in achieving true democracy and equal rights.

Moreover, what we have observed in Thailand is that incorporating feminist and queer politics is in fact an asset -rather than the diversion some activists often contend it to be- for the effectiveness of a political demonstration. This approach creates a diversity that invites everyone to feel that they too can have a voice in the movement; it fosters creativity and adds a variety of methods to spread the message by allowing each sector to share its own culture and symbolism; and it allows the general population to learn about the resilience and tactics of resistance that the most marginalized have been forced to develop in order to survive.

Although the protests may have subsided and substantial changes are yet to be witnessed, this event alters the collective imagination forever. The taboo has been shattered, and now, it is only a matter of time before a generational shift materializes, paving the way for the actualization of the pro-democracy movement's demands. Although challenging, the Thai society got a taste of what a diverse and respectful community looks like while marching together under our colorful flags.


References



5 views0 comments

תגובות

bottom of page